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AE position paper: IRAN

 

 

Prior to the revolution in 1979, the United States and Iran shared good relations and wide spread exchanges of political dialog, economic trade and military cooperation. Twenty seven years of hostility following the rise of the Islamic Republic have put the United States and Iran on a number of collision courses.

Today, Iran presents American foreign policy with a number of complex issues. The single largest and most complex problem with respect to Iran is the issue of the nuclear program and its potential dual-use potential for a weapons program. Iran and its mentor Russia have continuously insisted that the program is exclusively for the generation of civilian power. Yet Iran has violated a number of IAEA requirements and has embarked on an ambitious program designed at enriching uranium.

The other serious challenge is the involvement of Iran in the conflict inside Iraq and their support of Hezbollah in Lebanon. Iranian Shiite influence throughout the region has long been a source of concern for the United States and its allies in the region.

Because of the strained relations and open hostility between our two nations the United States backed Saddam Hussein in the Iran-Iraq war throughout the 1980’s. And despite cooperation on some issues spanning these decades, we remain on a collision course that if not corrected – will lead to open warfare.

The positions we will take and recommendations forwarded constitute a balance between dialog and military preparation. It is clear that we have not yet explored the full measure of diplomatic options, and the time has come for our partners in Europe and Russia to work together with the United States and Iran to foster a change in the atmosphere, and reduce tensions. Throughout this period of dialog and invigorated diplomacy we must continue to expedite our military capabilities and prepare for the least preferred option that may be forced upon us.

Recommendations:

1. Together with our European partners and Russia join direct talks with Iran in the context of a multi-lateral framework similar to the six party talks held with North Korea. Drop the initial condition of Iranian suspension of uranium enrichment, in exchange for an oversight panel made up of Europeans and Russian experts under the auspices of the IAEA.

2. Decouple these talks from issues in Iraq and larger regional discussion, but fold them into a second track initiative which would bring the Saudis, Jordanians, Lebanon, Turkey, the Gulf States and Iraq into the process. This second track diplomatic effort should focus exclusively on Iraq and regional stability between these primary regional powers.

3. As these two track diplomatic initiatives are underway, we will work vigorously to complete the additional force build up in our ground capabilities and already put forward by the Department of Defense.

4. Expand and deploy additional military assets in the region including missile defense systems, stealth aircraft, UAVs and Naval capabilities.

All of these measures will give us the best possible means to ratchet down from the brink of conflict, and offer a chance at a peaceful solution to the long term issues facing the region.

In the end it may be necessary to bring to bear all of the assets and military capabilities we have in order to prevent a nuclear armed Islamic Republic of Iran. But we are not there yet. Our focus today must be shifted away from the confrontations both on the battlefields of Iraq, and the detached and isolated diplomatic process that is all but dead. With a full faith effort at diplomacy and regional cooperation on the pressing issues of Iran’s expanding influence and their nuclear program – we stand the best chance of averting war.

War is not inevitable – but it may come in the end. Should it be necessary then we will need the backing of our friends around the world and the cooperation of many nations. It will also require under the Constitution of the United States of America – explicit authorization from the Congress. Such authorization does not exist, nor is likely to be granted without the extension and full course of diplomatic efforts.

Using our great power to back up and provide strength and balance to all diplomatic efforts is a wise course of action. It will both restore our credibility with our partners in Europe and Russia, as well as our friends and foes alike in the region. Make no mistake about it. Any conflict with Iran will not be a test of power; we would reduce their capacity to wage a frontal confrontation in a matter of days. The issue is if we do not pursue all options prior to an attack, and the United States initiates a conflict without sufficient provocation or cause, no one can fully measure the aftermath. Given the very different outcome in Iraq than predicted, caution and prudence are strongly recommended. There is time to succeed through avenues other than war.

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